“The version of events which emerged at the time was that six junior officers, with three hundred men under their command, had acted exclusively on their own in overthrowing Mujib. The motives for the coup were attributed to a combination of personal grudges held by certain of the officers against Mujib and his associates, together with a general mood of frustration at the widespread corruption that had come to characterize certain elements of Mujib's regime. In short, according to this view of events the coup was an ad hoc affair not a thought out plan a year or more in the making.” *1
“Mujib was arrested by the army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura.[1] The outcry and unrest over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilized East Pakistan amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan." The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped the charged and unconditionally released Mujib. He returned to East Pakistan as a public hero.”
"The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is the
struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!..Since we have given blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of this country will be liberated...Turn every house into a fort. Face (the enemy) with whatever you have." (Shiekh Mujib)
Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His program of nationalisation and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership.[15] Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grassroots or local levels.[19] Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state.
Mujib was criticized for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions.[14] A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture — the mainstay of the economy.[1] Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib's ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses.[15]
“Political unrest gave rise to increasing violence, and in response,
Mujib began increasing his powers. On January 25, 1975 Mujib declared a state of emergency and his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment banning all opposition political parties.
Mujib was declared "president for life," and given extraordinary powers.[20][14] His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials — BAKSAL.[1] The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and a
militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country.[20][21] The militia and police were accused of torturing suspects and political killings. While retaining support from many segments of the population, Mujib evoked anger amongst veterans of the liberation war for what was seen as a betrayal of the causes of democracy and civil rights.[14] The underground opposition to Mujib's political regime intensified under the clout of dissatisfaction and the government's inability to deal with national challenges and the dissatisfaction within the Bangladeshi army.”
“Indian support for the Mukti Bahini dented the credibility of Mujib and the League in the community of nations.[25][6] Some historians argue that the conflicts and disparities between East and West Pakistan were exaggerated by Mujib and the League and that secession cost Bangladesh valuable industrial and human resources.[25] The governments of Saudi Arabia and China criticised Mujib and many nations did not recognise Bangladesh until after his death.[25]” *2
Sorry for writting again thou i understand it is offending people, but i want to make it clear. Above posts can be viewed negetive or positive, its your choice what way you look at the pictures. I also would like to remind people this is a debate and we all have the same rights to mention what we believe and what our logics are. Some people can say we are poor in heart but then we never feel poor unlike the one give names to anyone that disagree, open up! It’s 21st centaury!
*1 Lawrence Lifschultz was South Asia Correspondent of the Far Eastern Economic Review (Hong Kong). He has written extensively on European and Asian affairs for The Guardian (London), Le Monde Diplomatique, The Nation (New York), and the BBC among numerous other journals and publications. Lifschultz is editor and author of several books including Why Bosnia? (with Rabia Ali) and Hiroshima's Shadow: Writings on the Denial of History & The Smithsonian Controversy (with Kai Bird). He is currently at work on a book concerning Kashmir. *2 Wikipedia.